(Were Trump and Bannon practicing their Allah u Akbars before the meeting)

Although the Saudi Heir to the Heir Apparent, Prince Mohammad Bin Salman,
will most likely discuss ongoing security concerns with United States
President Donald Trump, his latest visit aims to reconfirm inherent values
embedded in the eight-decade-long American-Saudi relationship and, if a
deal can be struck, to rekindle neglected contacts.

It is not, in short, a mere �getting to know you� gathering when both
sides can lay out existing differences. From a Saudi point of view, and
far more important that pertinent discussions over various geo-political
challenges, what the Prince Mohammad-Trump meeting may well offer is an
opportunity to truly appraise the new American president�s vision towards
Arabs and Muslims.
There are, to be sure, several key issues to clarify, including the Trump
administration�s updated perceptions of Iranian troublemaking throughout
the Arab World, the ongoing war in Yemen and, in a defining moment that
involves global powers engaged in what can only be described as a struggle
among empires, the fate of the regime in Syria.

Prince Mohammad would seek precision on what Trump, Secretary of Defence
James Mattis and, most important, White House Chief Strategist Stephen K.
Bannon, intend to do about Iran. He would want to know, for example,
whether Washington will continue to tolerate Tehran�s military deployments
in Syria that, according to the Gatestone Institute topped the 70,000
figure (for both Iranian and non-Iranian troops), which is 20,000 more
than the nominal strength of the Syrian Arab Army. Prince Mohammad would
search for lucidity regarding the fate of Syrian President Bashar Al Assad
too.

Moreover, the young prince and his advisers would be keen to understand
what Washington thinks of, and plans for, Iran�s Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps (IRGC) and its Lebanese affiliate, Hezbollah. As the US
continues to field forces in Iraq and Syria, ostensibly to eradicate Daesh
(the self-proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), Riyadh would
want to know whether a long-standing offer to send its own troops to
support US Special Forces in Syria � a suggestion that was placed in
abeyance by the administration of former US president Barack Obama � is
something that may be acceptable to fight extremists together.

In turn, the American president and his counsellors would probably focus
on the tragedy of the War for Yemen, and various efforts to strengthen the
challenged Yemeni government that has yet to return to its capital city.
Sana�a is still occupied by the Iran-backed Al Houthi rebels and
supporters of former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh with few
prospects for an end to the conflict. In fact, and much like his
predecessor, Trump perceives Yemen as a safe haven for Al Qaida, which
allegedly justifies US military action, including commando raids and air
strikes that more often than not inflict heavy civilian casualties.
Ironically, the American refused to accept responsibility for the special
operations attack in early February that resulted in the death of Navy
SEAL Chief Petty Officer William �Ryan� Owens and scores of Yemenis, and
promptly blamed the military for the failure.

It would indeed be useful to determine what Washington and Riyadh plan to
do in Yemen though few should be surprised when their collaboration
increases. Washington offered Riyadh fresh incentives to bring the war to
a close, even if it was still unclear whether senior American officials
knew what it is that they wished to achieve on the edges of the Arabian
Peninsula, flanked on one side by global rivals setting shop in the Horn
of Africa and, on the other end, by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
that aims to empower the Houthis spread havoc.

Inescapably, the two delegations will tackle several economic concerns as
well, including the fluctuating price of oil that may well determine
whether the Kingdom�s Vision 2030 initiatives will succeed. For Prince
Mohammad, the time is long overdue to usher in a far more efficient, less
oil-dominated economy, as he makes the necessary deals with the US to
ensure success. His bid to pioneer the planned Saudi Aramco initial public
offering in 2018 at the New York Stock Exchange � a project still under
discussion � would please Trump immensely. Although the American real
estate mogul prides himself for his deal-making abilities, few should be
surprised by the Saudi prince�s identical skills, honed by King Salman and
the Heir Apparent Prince Mohammad Bin Nayef, both of whom guide the young
man accordingly.

Because American-Saudi Ties were almost always driven by the close
personal relationships among senior officials � Abdul Aziz Bin Abdul
Rahman and Franklin D. Roosevelt, Faysal Bin Abdul Aziz and Richard M.
Nixon, etc ... � chances are excellent that successors will now
recalibrate what was deliberately wrecked in recent years. Beyond recent
disagreements over the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act and the
2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran, Saudi Arabia and the US
share a large number of common concerns ranging from counter-terrorism to
close economic ties. Chances are good that both sides will now make the
necessary adjustments to further secure their respective interests.